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A Quick comparison of the best rounds in 9mm, to .38, to .380....Penetration, Expansion, & Velocity/Muzzle Energy

1. Comparison of Best 9mm to .38 to .380 and .40, .45 ACP, and .410/.45 Colt from Governor

  1. 9mm 3.5" barrel 350-450 ft. lbs. of Muzzle Energy (350 being higher end of standard pressure to 377 for +p to 425-450 ft. lbs for Plus P Plus) Muzzle Energy Comparison of the Best Rounds from common carry sized barrels in 3 common Calibers
  2. .38+p 2" barrel 213 ft. lbs. from Plus P
  3. .380 2.8" barrel 125-128 ft. lbs
  4. .40 3.42" barrel 344-438 ft. lbs
  5. .45 3.64" barrel 414-426 ft. lbs from mostly Plus P, 1 Standard
  6. .410 S&W Governor 347 ft. lbs The Governor has a 2.75" Chamber PLUS 2.75" Barrel .45 Colt S&W Governor 321-379 ft. lbs.
Multiple sources comparing ballistics best I can. What the FBI has actually issued in various calibers since Miami shootout, everyone quotes 12-18 but doesn't look at what they have issued in 10mm,.40, and 9mm...sure seems FBI likes 16.5" or more a lot better than 13.5" pretty bullets others seem to.
Luckygunner, ShootingTheBull, Tnoutdoors9, and others ballistic tests.
Alternate Look at Handgun stopping power-Street Data
Handgun Ammunition Stopping Power Update-Street Data Written by Evan Marshall
FBI, NYPD, and other L.E. data
Dr. Gary Roberts
“Handgun Wounding Factors and Effectiveness” by Urey Patrick of the FBI FTU
Quotes from Massad Ayoob Here are some "What Cops Carry
While there’s lots of good ammo out there, most departments are using premium loads from the “Big Four” brands. Those would be, in alphabetical order: Federal HST, Remington Golden Saber, Speer Gold Dot and Winchester Ranger. All of these loads have been exhaustively, expensively developed to meet the demanding performance specs of the FBI in terms of expansion and penetration. Because these rounds are tracked regarding field performance, they are the ones that have the most documentable records.
HST? Portland, Ore., reports extreme satisfaction with its performance in 147-gr. 9mm configuration. San Diego issues HST in every authorized caliber and is very happy with it. LAPD reports the 230-gr. +P HST to be performing superbly in the .45 ACP’s that thousands of their officers have bought on their own.
Golden Saber? Sources at FBI tell me it works fabulously as the standard 230-gr. load for the optional .45’s of field agents and the .45’s issued to SWAT and the Hostage Rescue Team. I’m advised Tulsa found the Golden Saber 165-gr. .40 much more effective in their issue Glock 22s than the 180-gr. subsonics they used before.
Gold Dot? The 124-gr. +P has delivered awesome performance in the 9mms of NYPD’s nearly 35,000 officers. Las Vegas Metro uses Gold Dot across the board in three approved calibers, and their firearms instructors have told me the 124-gr. +P 9mm is every bit as effective as the 180-gr. .40 and the 230-gr. .45 ACP. From Texas Department of Public Safety to the Virginia State Police and Richmond PD, 125-gr. .357 SIG Gold Dot is dropping felons with amazing alacrity. Secret Service and Federal Air Marshals also issue .357 SIG 125-gr. Gold Dot.
Winchester Ranger? LAPD and LA County report high satisfaction with the 147-gr. 9mm version, and the 165-gr. .40 and 230-gr. .45 are awesome performers in the field."
Below by OP/DTW FBI DATA I have compiled on rounds they have issued FBI. They changed ammo often, here is what I could find. Duty ammo for .45 ACP is Rem Golden Saber 230 Grain JHP (non-bonded). The ammo for .40 S&W is the 180 grain Winchester JHP load. The remaining Speer 165 grain Gold Dots are to be used up and not replaced. Before the Gold Dots it was 165gr Federal Hydra-Shoks. Duty 9mm at one point was Speer 124 grain Gold Dot ammo, possibly Plus P. The new 9mm round —may be the 147-grain Speer Gold Dot G2 if that didn't change due to expansion problems? In 2013 their RFP The award was finally issued in August 19, 2013 and Federal, Winchester and Hornady were given contracts. That RFP said It must have a power factor of between 135 and 155 (bullet weight in grains x velocity at 15 ft measured in ft. per sec. / 1,000). The service ammo must have a bullet weight of between 120 and 147 grains and NO FAILURES UNDER 12" EVER. Contrary to an earlier post, the FBI does not switch out ammo willy-nilly on a 6 month basis. There is a long ammo-testing procedure once the proposal for a new ammo contract is published.
MP-5's are being phased out and M-4 carbines (modified for semi-auto only), a mix of RRA and Colt, are for street agents...1 in 9 twist. SWAT uses a select-fire M-4 with a 1 in 7 twist. Service ammo is 60 grain Winchester w/Nosler partition ammo. At one point it may have been .223 Federal Tactical Bonded 65gr SP's. Remington 870 is in the inventory (most got refurbed with 14" barrels) and uses slug and 00 buck of the 9 pellet variety. The MP-5/10 uses Federal 190 grain JHP in 10 mm.

2. Original 10mm FBI Load for Reference point

For Reference so people can see where modern 9mm is at The Original FBI 10mm 180 gr. Federal Load w Seirra JHP (not the later 190 gr. round for MP5/10's) from FBI DATA fired from a 3.75" barrel 922 fps 18.33" .536 had a 95% success rate in their testing at 340 ft. lbs. of ME.
5" barrel 931 fps 17.24 .547 95% success rate in their testing 346.4 ft. lbs.
.....Compare that to my two top selections in 9mm below and you will see we are doing well in modern times

3. 9mm

9mm Data 9mm 3.5" Barrel-
  1. 124 gr HST 4 Layer 1135 fps 18'3" .61 355 ft. lbs. of muzzle energy
  2. 124 gr Plus P Golden Saber 4 Layer 1170 fps 18.2" .66 377 ft. lbs. ME in Evan Marshalls Street Data w 88% stops....So that backs up the Gel tests. Now, there are too many variables in "Street Data", but when Street Data backs up good Ballistic Gel test data, than you have something.
  3. 124 gr. Plus P Gold Dot 4 Layer 1141 16'8" .52 358 ft. lbs. ME in Evan Marshalls Street Data CCI loading w 88% stops....So that backs up the Gel tests.
  4. 115 gr. Plus P Plus 9bple (only in high quality firearms-would not suggest in under 3.5" or over 5" barrels-Excellent Street Cred from L.E. back in the day-might be somewhat questionable in cold weather multiple layer even though with the Illinois State Police it did well...I just think it likely does even better in warmer area like it did w Border Patrol) app 425-450 ft. lbs (467 ft lbs from a 3.5" in hot AZ summer was reported but underpenetrated in 4 layer test because seemed to be rare over the norm velocity), in colder weather they are noticeably slower, in very hot weather much hotter. When at app. 1325 fps. which it can be from 3.5"-4'5" barrels depending on weather....BARE 16", .522+frags, Another Test BARE 17" .469, 2 layer cotton 13.9" .45, 4 layer 12.75 .58 Best 9mm in Evan Marshalls Street Data w 91% stops....So that backs up the Gel tests.
  5. Going to include what I think is likely the best 147 gr. for those that think that is the way to go. This round is also on Gary Roberts approved list fyi 147 gr JHP - Winchester Ranger T-Series 941 fps 16.5" .74 ONLY 289 Ft. Lbs of energy. While the expansion is great, the better penetration and energy of the 124 gr. HST and Golden Sabers is better IMO unless you are running a modern version of Maxim's SilenceSuppressor and wanting to maintain subsonic and/Or you are using a carbine and specifically have found that better for cabarrier penetration (where something like a lighter Gold Dot will fold itself completely back from the higher velocity out of a longer barrel).

4. 2" .38 performance

  1. In .38 2" barrel K6 from lucky gunner data the best IMO Remington 125 gr Golden Saber +P 877 fps 13.7" avg .62 This round also ranked tied for second place in Evan Marshalls Street Data....So that backs Gel tests up.
  2. Winchester 130 gr Ranger Bonded +P 13.8" 860 .60 Both just 213 ft. lbs. of ME. Golden Saber or this would be my choices if you wanted expansion.
    1. You have to go with either Hornady 125 gr XTP American Gunner OR Winchester 158 gr Super-X LSWCHP +P (though one of 5 badly over-penetrated if that is a concern-though guessing this round kicks more, and therefore not the same recoil impulse for Dutch loading that you could get w the Hornady...ud have to try it out) if you want actually good penetration in case you have to shoot through an arm (you know, with the gun pointed at you that covers his vitals) or side shot through shoulder.
  3. Just reminded me how bad .38 2" really is........would only regulate it to Backup Gun Duty.... Unpopular opinion, but I would dutch it myself with odd numbers up being one of the two I suggested, and round 2 and 4 being Hornady 125 gr XTP American Gunner or the Plus P LSWCHP. My choice would be odd numbered Golden Sabers, and Even numbered XTPs.

5. .380 Pocket Pistols app 2.8" Barrels

.380 2.8" barrel pocket pistol best IMO opinion from ShootingtheBull because of great penetration is the Fiocchi 90 gr. XTP app 790 fps 13.41" .412 in BARE GEL 4 Layer Denim app 800 fps 15.69" .394 avg. diameter....
Penetration is good, BUT ONLY 125-128 ft. lbs. Muzzle Energy The Precision One XTP has better expansion but less penetration, it is very good, but I prefer more penetration like in what the FBI has actually issued in 10mm,.40, and 9mm to be at the greater end of their penetration acceptable range.

6. BONUS DATA for Comparison: Smith & Wesson Governor .410/.45 Colt/.45 ACP Data (Similar for 2" to 3" barrel Judge's on both sides of it if anyone on here needs it).

Smith & Wesson Governor .410/.45 Colt/.45 ACP 6-shot Revolver is a good choice if not living in a very cold place for those that may have to open doors, pick up, or corral children for home defense. It could make a good backpack or car gun, or a good stash gun for home or business. It also is extremely fun, and good for any SHTF or camping situations because of all the different types of ammo that will fire in it (including .45 GAP that can sometimes be bought cheap). The first four rounds loaded with Federal Personal Defense 000 Buck shooting 4 .36 61 grain buckshot at 800 fps for 347 ft. lbs of energy is something naysayers should not laugh at unless you are living in a very cold place where people wear many thick layers of clothing. The last two rounds in the cylinder I recommend .45 Colt Barnes VorTx 200 gr. XPB at 921 fps for 379 ft. lbs of energy (alternatively .45 Colt PDX-1 225 gr. at 802 fps for 321 ft. lbs. of energy can be used). My best guess for the quickest effective reloads would be full moon clips of .45 ACP loaded with 185 gr. + P Golden Saber, 200 gr. XTP +P, or 230 gr. Short Barrel Gold Dot or quality .45 GAP hollowpoints. However, velocities of .45 ACP and .45 GAP from the Governor are not obtainable (not as good as .45 Colt from the Governor).
  1. For the data below, LuckyGunner ballistic data is used. Have not cross referenced with data from tnoutdoors9 and other testers. .40, .45, and even .357 SIG contrary to common belief, you have to be even more selective to make sure you are carrying good ammo to get desired consistent penetration. There simply are more acceptable 9mm offerings. Luckygunner testing guns for 4 layer tests 9mm: Smith & Wesson M&P9c, 3.5-inch barrel .40 S&W: Glock 27, 3.42-inch barrel .45 ACP: Kahr CW45, 3.64-inch barrel

7. 45 ACP from Kahr CW45, 3.64-inch barrel Using Data points not from the chart, but from actually clicking on each round for details

  1. 45 ACP +P - 185 gr JHP - Remington Golden Saber- Median Velocity 1018 fps 15.7" .76 426 ft. lbs. of energy In Evan Marshall's data, the standard pressure was #1 in all .45 rounds w/ 96% stops
.2. 45 ACP - +P 200 Grain XTP JHP - Hornady Custom 965 fps 18" VERY CONSISTENT 17.6-18.9 penetration in 4-layer Denim test .59 414 ft. lbs. ME
.3 45 ACP +P - 230 gr JHP - Winchester Ranger (the Standard pressure from this barrel is almost identical)
905 fps 14.4" Amazing 1.00" diameter 418 ft. lbs. ME
45 ACP - 230 gr JHP - Winchester Ranger T-Series
905 14.2" Amazing 1.01 diameter 418 ft. lbs. Muzzle Energy
For .45 holdouts, there is still this From Massad Ayoob "A famous wound ballistics specialist whose work was pivotal to the FBI’s testing protocols was Dr. Martin Fackler, who died last month. In a 2012 interview Dr. Fackler said, “The size of the hole the bullet makes, the .45 is bigger than a nine-mill. But how much bigger, by diameter, it really doesn’t give you the measure of how much tissue it disrupts. What does is the area of a circle. Area of a circle, it was pi-r-squared. It’s the radius squared. So, if you take your .45, your point four-five-one and your nine-millimeter as your point three-five-five, take half, take the radius, square that, and what you’ll find is that the volume, or the area, of damaged tissue made by the .45 is about sixty percent more than made by the nine.”
Both these rounds on on Dr. Gary Roberts approved list Winchester Ranger-T 230 gr JHP (RA45T) Winchester Ranger-T 230 gr +P JHP (RA45TP)

8. .40 S&W: Glock 27, 3.42-inch barrel .40 is a bit difficult, because old Mashall data strongly suggest the lighter faster stuff was more effective, but only 2 out of 7 rounds I would think are good based on gel data for this barrel length are below 180 gr. (and only 3 of my 7 list are on Roberts' list). In Dr. Gary Roberts' approved list, 6 out of 12 are lighter than 180 gr. bullets.

For this reason, here is all of Dr. Roberts' approved list, before listing some specifics .40 S&W:
Barnes XPB 140 & 155 gr JHP (copper bullet)
Speer Gold Dot 155 gr JHP
Federal Tactical 165 gr JHP (LE40T3)
Speer Gold Dot 165 gr JHP
Winchester Ranger-T 165 gr JHP (RA40TA)
Federal HST 180 gr JHP (P40HST1)
Federal Tactical 180 gr JHP (LE40T1)
Remington Golden Saber 180 gr JHP (GS40SWB)
Speer Gold Dot 180 gr JHP
Winchester Ranger-T 180 gr JHP (RA40T)
Winchester 180 gr bonded JHP (RA40B/Q4355/S40SWPDB1)
  1. 40 S&W - 155 Grain HST JHP 1079 fps 16'8" .68 401 ft. lbs. ME
  2. 40 S&W - 165 gr JHP - Winchester Ranger Bonded 1094 fps 14.9" .757 438 ft. lbs. ME
  3. 40 S&W - 180 gr HST JHP 960 fps 18'4" .72 368 ft. lbs. ME This is also on Dr. Gary Roberts' approved list
  4. 40 S&W - 180 Grain JHP - Remington Golden Saber (the Bonded is very similar, but not as consistent w 2 out of 5 rounds penetrating less than ideal-1 Failing below 12") TAKE NOTE of this quote from Massad Ayoob said about the slightly over-penetrating 165 gr. compared to this shallow penetrating 180 gr. "I’m advised Tulsa found the Golden Saber 165-gr. .40 much more effective in their issue Glock 22s than the 180-gr. subsonics they used before." Of course, we don't know if Tulsa was using unbonded or the really sometimes under penetrating/occasional Fail Bonded like I myself mentioned. May this be a case that points out where slightly over-penetrating 19.2" is better than shallow penetrating 13.9"? 928 fps 13'9" .81 344 ft. lbs. ME
  5. 40 S&W - 180 gr BJHP - Remington Ultimate Defense 976 fps 15'9" .80 381 ft. lbs. ME
  6. 40 S&W - 180 gr JHP - Winchester Ranger T-Series 950 fps 16.5" .686 361 ft. lbs. ME On Dr. Roberts' approved list
  7. 40 S&W - 180 Grain JHP - Winchester Bonded--This is White Box bargain buy (if Ranger T or Bonded can't be found, or too expensive for stashed extra mags and you want similar to the Ranger T or Bonded you primary carry) 933 fps 16'5" .70 348 ft. lbs. ME

9. Conclusion.....Ammo Selection is more important than Caliber selection if it is anything less than .68/12-Gauge or .30plus Rifle. Even in 5.56 mm ammo selection is very important for it's likely use parameters. Contrary to a lot of hearsay, the .410/.45 Colt Revolver can be very efficient in a quality metal version that has proven to be reliable w the best ammo if not living in a very cold area where multiple thick layers of clothing are normal.

The best 3-4 9mm choices are just as good if not better than the best 3-4 .45 and .40 choices with all the benefits that 9mm provides. I personally like 16.5-18.5" Penetration based on what the FBI has actually approved for carry in 10mm, .40, and 9mm since the Miami Shootout. In my opinion, "It has to be able to reach the goodies, even if going through their arm first at a strange angle!"
  1. 9mm 124 gr HST 4 Layer 1135 fps 18'3" .61 355 ft. lbs. of muzzle energy
  2. 9mm 124 gr Plus P Golden Saber 1170 fps 18.2" .66 377 ft. lbs. ME
  3. .40 S&W - 155 Grain HST JHP 1079 fps 16'8" .68 401 ft. lbs. ME
  4. .40 S&W - 180 gr HST JHP 960 fps 18'4" .72 368 ft. lbs. ME
  5. .45 ACP +P - 185 gr JHP - Golden Saber 1018 fps 15.7" .76 426 ft. lbs. of energy
  6. .45 ACP +P 200 Grain XTP JHP -Hornady C 965 fps 18" .59 414 ft. lbs. ME
  7. .45 ACP +P - 230 gr JHP - Ranger 905 fps 14.4" 1.00" 418 ft. lbs. ME
    I will now suggest something unconventional, something to consider especially if your primary ammo isn't at the later range of penetration depths (like it should be, according to most everyone). For high capacity pistols it may make sense to load rounds #11 and up in order from which they come out, the bottoms of your mags, with ammo we know penetrates well through intermediate barriers or more reliably through bones for cases of extended firefights where they may be behind cover. This being any 124 gr. XTP such as from Fiocchi or Hornady, or 135 gr. Plus P Critical Duty for longer barrels, Plus P Critical Defense for Shorter Barrels. Obviously, recommendations of any Plus P ammo is not for new recoil sensitive shooters that never practice, and again obviously function checking reliability and practice firing with any recoil impulse change is needed.
submitted by DanTheWolfman to CCW

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Manhattan Project
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the atomic bomb project. For other uses, see Manhattan Project (disambiguation).
Manhattan District
A fiery mushroom cloud lights up the sky.
The Trinity test of the Manhattan Project was the first detonation of a nuclear weapon.
Active 1942–1946
Disbanded 15 August 1947
Country
United States
United Kingdom
Canada
Branch U.S. Army Corps of Engineers
Garrison/HQ Oak Ridge, Tennessee, U.S.
Anniversaries 13 August 1942
Engagements
Allied invasion of Italy
Allied invasion of France
Allied invasion of Germany
Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
Allied occupation of Japan
Commanders
Notable
commanders
James C. Marshall
Kenneth Nichols
Insignia
Manhattan District shoulder sleeve insignia
Oval shaped shoulder patch with a deep blue background. At the top is a red circle and blue star, the patch of the Army Service Forces. It is surrounded by a white oval, representing a mushroom cloud. Below it is a white lightning bolt cracking a yellow circle, representing an atom.
Manhattan Project emblem (unofficial)
Circular shaped emblem with the words "Manhattan Project" at the top, and a large "A" in the center with the word "bomb" below it, surmounting the US Army Corps of Engineers' castle emblem
The Manhattan Project was a research and development undertaking during World War II that produced the first nuclear weapons. It was led by the United States with the support of the United Kingdom and Canada. From 1942 to 1946, the project was under the direction of Major General Leslie Groves of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. Nuclear physicist Robert Oppenheimer was the director of the Los Alamos Laboratory that designed the actual bombs. As engineer districts by convention carried the name of the city where they were located, the Army component of the project was designated the Manhattan District; Manhattan gradually superseded the official codename, Development of Substitute Materials, for the entire project. Along the way, the project absorbed its earlier British counterpart, Tube Alloys. The Manhattan Project began modestly in 1939, but grew to employ more than 130,000 people and cost nearly US$2 billion (equivalent to about $23 billion in 2018).[1] Over 90 percent of the cost was for building factories and to produce fissile material, with less than 10 percent for development and production of the weapons. Research and production took place at more than thirty sites across the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada.
Two types of atomic bombs were developed concurrently during the war: a relatively simple gun-type fission weapon and a more complex implosion-type nuclear weapon. The Thin Man gun-type design proved impractical to use with plutonium, and therefore a simpler gun-type called Little Boy was developed that used uranium-235, an isotope that makes up only 0.7 percent of natural uranium. Since it was chemically identical to the most common isotope, uranium-238, and had almost the same mass, separating the two proved difficult. Three methods were employed for uranium enrichment: electromagnetic, gaseous and thermal. Most of this work was performed at the Clinton Engineer Works at Oak Ridge, Tennessee.
In parallel with the work on uranium was an effort to produce plutonium, which was discovered at the University of California in 1940. After the feasibility of the world's first artificial nuclear reactor, the Chicago Pile-1, was demonstrated in 1942 at the Metallurgical Laboratory in the University of Chicago, the Project designed the X-10 Graphite Reactor at Oak Ridge and the production reactors at the Hanford Site in Washington state, in which uranium was irradiated and transmuted into plutonium. The plutonium was then chemically separated from the uranium, using the bismuth phosphate process. The Fat Man plutonium implosion-type weapon was developed in a concerted design and development effort by the Los Alamos Laboratory.
The project was also charged with gathering intelligence on the German nuclear weapon project. Through Operation Alsos, Manhattan Project personnel served in Europe, sometimes behind enemy lines, where they gathered nuclear materials and documents, and rounded up German scientists. Despite the Manhattan Project's tight security, Soviet atomic spies successfully penetrated the program. The first nuclear device ever detonated was an implosion-type bomb at the Trinity test, conducted at New Mexico's Alamogordo Bombing and Gunnery Range on 16 July 1945. Little Boy and Fat Man bombs were used a month later in the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, respectively, with Manhattan Project personnel serving as bomb assembly technicians, and as weaponeers on the attack aircraft. In the immediate postwar years, the Manhattan Project conducted weapons testing at Bikini Atoll as part of Operation Crossroads, developed new weapons, promoted the development of the network of national laboratories, supported medical research into radiology and laid the foundations for the nuclear navy. It maintained control over American atomic weapons research and production until the formation of the United States Atomic Energy Commission in January 1947.
Contents
1 Origins
2 Feasibility
2.1 Proposals
2.2 Bomb design concepts
3 Organization
3.1 Manhattan District
3.2 Military Policy Committee
3.3 Collaboration with the United Kingdom
4 Project sites
4.1 Oak Ridge
4.2 Los Alamos
4.3 Chicago
4.4 Hanford
4.5 Canadian sites
4.5.1 British Columbia
4.5.2 Ontario
4.5.3 Northwest Territories
4.6 Heavy water sites
5 Uranium
5.1 Ore
5.2 Isotope separation
5.2.1 Centrifuges
5.2.2 Electromagnetic separation
5.2.3 Gaseous diffusion
5.2.4 Thermal diffusion
5.3 Aggregate U-235 production
6 Plutonium
6.1 X-10 Graphite Reactor
6.2 Hanford reactors
6.3 Separation process
6.4 Weapon design
6.5 Trinity
7 Personnel
8 Secrecy
8.1 Censorship
8.2 Soviet spies
9 Foreign intelligence
10 Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
10.1 Preparations
10.2 Bombings
11 After the war
12 Cost
13 Legacy
14 Notes
15 References
15.1 General, administrative, and diplomatic histories
15.2 Technical histories
15.3 Participant accounts
16 External links
Origins
See also: Timeline of the Manhattan Project and Discovery of nuclear fission
The discovery of nuclear fission by German chemists Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassmann in 1938, and its theoretical explanation by Lise Meitner and Otto Frisch, made the development of an atomic bomb a theoretical possibility. There were fears that a German atomic bomb project would develop one first, especially among scientists who were refugees from Nazi Germany and other fascist countries.[2] In August 1939, Hungarian-born physicists Leo Szilard and Eugene Wigner drafted the Einstein–Szilard letter, which warned of the potential development of "extremely powerful bombs of a new type". It urged the United States to take steps to acquire stockpiles of uranium ore and accelerate the research of Enrico Fermi and others into nuclear chain reactions. They had it signed by Albert Einstein and delivered to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. Roosevelt called on Lyman Briggs of the National Bureau of Standards to head the Advisory Committee on Uranium to investigate the issues raised by the letter. Briggs held a meeting on 21 October 1939, which was attended by Szilárd, Wigner and Edward Teller. The committee reported back to Roosevelt in November that uranium "would provide a possible source of bombs with a destructiveness vastly greater than anything now known."[3]
The U.S. Navy awarded Columbia University $6,000 in funding, most of which Enrico Fermi and Szilard spent on purchasing graphite. A team of Columbia professors including Fermi, Szilard, Eugene T. Booth and John Dunning created the first nuclear fission reaction in the Americas, verifying the work of Hahn and Strassmann. The same team subsequently built a series of prototype nuclear reactors (or "piles" as Fermi called them) in Pupin Hall at Columbia, but were not yet able to achieve a chain reaction.[4] The Advisory Committee on Uranium became the National Defense Research Committee (NDRC) on Uranium when that organization was formed on 27 June 1940.[5] Briggs proposed spending $167,000 on research into uranium, particularly the uranium-235 isotope, and plutonium, which was discovered in 1940 at the University of California.[6][7] On 28 June 1941, Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8807, which created the Office of Scientific Research and Development (OSRD),[8] with Vannevar Bush as its director. The office was empowered to engage in large engineering projects in addition to research.[7] The NDRC Committee on Uranium became the S-1 Section of the OSRD; the word "uranium" was dropped for security reasons.[9]
In Britain, Frisch and Rudolf Peierls at the University of Birmingham had made a breakthrough investigating the critical mass of uranium-235 in June 1939.[10] Their calculations indicated that it was within an order of magnitude of 10 kilograms (22 lb), which was small enough to be carried by a bomber of the day.[11] Their March 1940 Frisch–Peierls memorandum initiated the British atomic bomb project and its MAUD Committee,[12] which unanimously recommended pursuing the development of an atomic bomb.[11] In July 1940, Britain had offered to give the United States access to its scientific research,[13] and the Tizard Mission's John Cockcroft briefed American scientists on British developments. He discovered that the American project was smaller than the British, and not as far advanced.[14]
As part of the scientific exchange, the MAUD Committee's findings were conveyed to the United States. One of its members, the Australian physicist Mark Oliphant, flew to the United States in late August 1941 and discovered that data provided by the MAUD Committee had not reached key American physicists. Oliphant then set out to find out why the committee's findings were apparently being ignored. He met with the Uranium Committee and visited Berkeley, California, where he spoke persuasively to Ernest O. Lawrence. Lawrence was sufficiently impressed to commence his own research into uranium. He in turn spoke to James B. Conant, Arthur H. Compton and George B. Pegram. Oliphant's mission was therefore a success; key American physicists were now aware of the potential power of an atomic bomb.[15][16]
On 9 October 1941, President Roosevelt approved the atomic program after he convened a meeting with Vannevar Bush and Vice President Henry A. Wallace. To control the program, he created a Top Policy Group consisting of himself—although he never attended a meeting—Wallace, Bush, Conant, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson, and the Chief of Staff of the Army, General George C. Marshall. Roosevelt chose the Army to run the project rather than the Navy, because the Army had more experience with management of large-scale construction projects. He also agreed to coordinate the effort with that of the British, and on 11 October he sent a message to Prime Minister Winston Churchill, suggesting that they correspond on atomic matters.[17]
Feasibility
Proposals
Six men in suits sitting on chairs, smiling and laughing
March 1940 meeting at Berkeley, California: Ernest O. Lawrence, Arthur H. Compton, Vannevar Bush, James B. Conant, Karl T. Compton, and Alfred L. Loomis
The S-1 Committee held its meeting on 18 December 1941 "pervaded by an atmosphere of enthusiasm and urgency"[18] in the wake of the attack on Pearl Harbor and the subsequent United States declaration of war upon Japan and then on Germany.[19] Work was proceeding on three different techniques for isotope separation to separate uranium-235 from the more abundant uranium-238. Lawrence and his team at the University of California investigated electromagnetic separation, while Eger Murphree and Jesse Wakefield Beams's team looked into gaseous diffusion at Columbia University, and Philip Abelson directed research into thermal diffusion at the Carnegie Institution of Washington and later the Naval Research Laboratory.[20] Murphree was also the head of an unsuccessful separation project using gas centrifuges.[21]
Meanwhile, there were two lines of research into nuclear reactor technology, with Harold Urey continuing research into heavy water at Columbia, while Arthur Compton brought the scientists working under his supervision from Columbia, California and Princeton University to join his team at the University of Chicago, where he organized the Metallurgical Laboratory in early 1942 to study plutonium and reactors using graphite as a neutron moderator.[22] Briggs, Compton, Lawrence, Murphree, and Urey met on 23 May 1942 to finalize the S-1 Committee recommendations, which called for all five technologies to be pursued. This was approved by Bush, Conant, and Brigadier General Wilhelm D. Styer, the chief of staff of Major General Brehon B. Somervell's Services of Supply, who had been designated the Army's representative on nuclear matters.[20] Bush and Conant then took the recommendation to the Top Policy Group with a budget proposal for $54 million for construction by the United States Army Corps of Engineers, $31 million for research and development by OSRD and $5 million for contingencies in fiscal year 1943. The Top Policy Group in turn sent it on 17 June 1942 to the President, who approved it by writing "OK FDR" on the document.[20]
Bomb design concepts
A series of doodles
Different fission bomb assembly methods explored during the July 1942 conference
Compton asked theoretical physicist J. Robert Oppenheimer of the University of California to take over research into fast neutron calculations—the key to calculations of critical mass and weapon detonation—from Gregory Breit, who had quit on 18 May 1942 because of concerns over lax operational security.[23] John H. Manley, a physicist at the Metallurgical Laboratory, was assigned to assist Oppenheimer by contacting and coordinating experimental physics groups scattered across the country.[24] Oppenheimer and Robert Serber of the University of Illinois examined the problems of neutron diffusion—how neutrons moved in a nuclear chain reaction—and hydrodynamics—how the explosion produced by a chain reaction might behave. To review this work and the general theory of fission reactions, Oppenheimer and Fermi convened meetings at the University of Chicago in June and at the University of California in July 1942 with theoretical physicists Hans Bethe, John Van Vleck, Edward Teller, Emil Konopinski, Robert Serber, Stan Frankel, and Eldred C. Nelson, the latter three former students of Oppenheimer, and experimental physicists Emilio Segrè, Felix Bloch, Franco Rasetti, John Henry Manley, and Edwin McMillan. They tentatively confirmed that a fission bomb was theoretically possible.[25]
There were still many unknown factors. The properties of pure uranium-235 were relatively unknown, as were those of plutonium, an element that had only been discovered in February 1941 by Glenn Seaborg and his team. The scientists at the (July 1942) Berkeley conference envisioned creating plutonium in nuclear reactors where uranium-238 atoms absorbed neutrons that had been emitted from fissioning uranium-235 atoms. At this point no reactor had been built, and only tiny quantities of plutonium were available from cyclotrons at institutions such as Washington University in St. Louis.[26] Even by December 1943, only two milligrams had been produced.[27] There were many ways of arranging the fissile material into a critical mass. The simplest was shooting a "cylindrical plug" into a sphere of "active material" with a "tamper"—dense material that would focus neutrons inward and keep the reacting mass together to increase its efficiency.[28] They also explored designs involving spheroids, a primitive form of "implosion" suggested by Richard C. Tolman, and the possibility of autocatalytic methods, which would increase the efficiency of the bomb as it exploded.[29]
Considering the idea of the fission bomb theoretically settled—at least until more experimental data was available—the 1942 Berkeley conference then turned in a different direction. Edward Teller pushed for discussion of a more powerful bomb: the "super", now usually referred to as a "hydrogen bomb", which would use the explosive force of a detonating fission bomb to ignite a nuclear fusion reaction in deuterium and tritium.[30] Teller proposed scheme after scheme, but Bethe refused each one. The fusion idea was put aside to concentrate on producing fission bombs.[31] Teller also raised the speculative possibility that an atomic bomb might "ignite" the atmosphere because of a hypothetical fusion reaction of nitrogen nuclei.[note 1] Bethe calculated that it could not happen,[33] and a report co-authored by Teller showed that "no self-propagating chain of nuclear reactions is likely to be started."[34] In Serber's account, Oppenheimer mentioned the possibility of this scenario to Arthur Compton, who "didn't have enough sense to shut up about it. It somehow got into a document that went to Washington" and was "never laid to rest".[note 2]
Organization
Manhattan District
The Chief of Engineers, Major General Eugene Reybold, selected Colonel James C. Marshall to head the Army's part of the project in June 1942. Marshall created a liaison office in Washington, D.C., but established his temporary headquarters on the 18th floor of 270 Broadway in New York, where he could draw on administrative support from the Corps of Engineers' North Atlantic Division. It was close to the Manhattan office of Stone & Webster, the principal project contractor, and to Columbia University. He had permission to draw on his former command, the Syracuse District, for staff, and he started with Lieutenant Colonel Kenneth Nichols, who became his deputy.[36][37]
Organization chart of the project, showing project headquarters divisions at the top, Manhattan District in the middle, and field offices at the bottom
Manhattan Project Organization Chart, 1 May 1946
Because most of his task involved construction, Marshall worked in cooperation with the head of the Corps of Engineers Construction Division, Major General Thomas M. Robbins, and his deputy, Colonel Leslie Groves. Reybold, Somervell, and Styer decided to call the project "Development of Substitute Materials", but Groves felt that this would draw attention. Since engineer districts normally carried the name of the city where they were located, Marshall and Groves agreed to name the Army's component of the project the Manhattan District. This became official on 13 August, when Reybold issued the order creating the new district. Informally, it was known as the Manhattan Engineer District, or MED. Unlike other districts, it had no geographic boundaries, and Marshall had the authority of a division engineer. Development of Substitute Materials remained as the official codename of the project as a whole, but was supplanted over time by "Manhattan".[37]
Marshall later conceded that, "I had never heard of atomic fission but I did know that you could not build much of a plant, much less four of them for $90 million."[38] A single TNT plant that Nichols had recently built in Pennsylvania had cost $128 million.[39] Nor were they impressed with estimates to the nearest order of magnitude, which Groves compared with telling a caterer to prepare for between ten and a thousand guests.[40] A survey team from Stone & Webster had already scouted a site for the production plants. The War Production Board recommended sites around Knoxville, Tennessee, an isolated area where the Tennessee Valley Authority could supply ample electric power and the rivers could provide cooling water for the reactors. After examining several sites, the survey team selected one near Elza, Tennessee. Conant advised that it be acquired at once and Styer agreed but Marshall temporized, awaiting the results of Conant's reactor experiments before taking action.[41] Of the prospective processes, only Lawrence's electromagnetic separation appeared sufficiently advanced for construction to commence.[42]
Marshall and Nichols began assembling the resources they would need. The first step was to obtain a high priority rating for the project. The top ratings were AA-1 through AA-4 in descending order, although there was also a special AAA rating reserved for emergencies. Ratings AA-1 and AA-2 were for essential weapons and equipment, so Colonel Lucius D. Clay, the deputy chief of staff at Services and Supply for requirements and resources, felt that the highest rating he could assign was AA-3, although he was willing to provide a AAA rating on request for critical materials if the need arose.[43] Nichols and Marshall were disappointed; AA-3 was the same priority as Nichols' TNT plant in Pennsylvania.[44]
Military Policy Committee
A man smiling in a suit in suit and one in a uniform chat around a pile of twisted metal.
Oppenheimer and Groves at the remains of the Trinity test in September 1945, two months after the test blast and just after the end of World War II. The white overshoes prevented fallout from sticking to the soles of their shoes.[45]
Vannevar Bush became dissatisfied with Colonel Marshall's failure to get the project moving forward expeditiously, specifically the failure to acquire the Tennessee site, the low priority allocated to the project by the Army and the location of his headquarters in New York City.[46] Bush felt that more aggressive leadership was required, and spoke to Harvey Bundy and Generals Marshall, Somervell, and Styer about his concerns. He wanted the project placed under a senior policy committee, with a prestigious officer, preferably Styer, as overall director.[44]
Somervell and Styer selected Groves for the post, informing him on 17 September of this decision, and that General Marshall ordered that he be promoted to brigadier general,[47] as it was felt that the title "general" would hold more sway with the academic scientists working on the Manhattan Project.[48] Groves' orders placed him directly under Somervell rather than Reybold, with Colonel Marshall now answerable to Groves.[49] Groves established his headquarters in Washington, D.C., on the fifth floor of the New War Department Building, where Colonel Marshall had his liaison office.[50] He assumed command of the Manhattan Project on 23 September 1942. Later that day, he attended a meeting called by Stimson, which established a Military Policy Committee, responsible to the Top Policy Group, consisting of Bush (with Conant as an alternate), Styer and Rear Admiral William R. Purnell.[47] Tolman and Conant were later appointed as Groves' scientific advisers.[51]
On 19 September, Groves went to Donald Nelson, the chairman of the War Production Board, and asked for broad authority to issue a AAA rating whenever it was required. Nelson initially balked but quickly caved in when Groves threatened to go to the President.[52] Groves promised not to use the AAA rating unless it was necessary. It soon transpired that for the routine requirements of the project the AAA rating was too high but the AA-3 rating was too low. After a long campaign, Groves finally received AA-1 authority on 1 July 1944.[53] According to Groves, "In Washington you became aware of the importance of top priority. Most everything proposed in the Roosevelt administration would have top priority. That would last for about a week or two and then something else would get top priority".[54]
One of Groves' early problems was to find a director for Project Y, the group that would design and build the bomb. The obvious choice was one of the three laboratory heads, Urey, Lawrence, or Compton, but they could not be spared. Compton recommended Oppenheimer, who was already intimately familiar with the bomb design concepts. However, Oppenheimer had little administrative experience, and, unlike Urey, Lawrence, and Compton, had not won a Nobel Prize, which many scientists felt that the head of such an important laboratory should have. There were also concerns about Oppenheimer's security status, as many of his associates were Communists, including his brother, Frank Oppenheimer; his wife, Kitty; and his girlfriend, Jean Tatlock. A long conversation on a train in October 1942 convinced Groves and Nichols that Oppenheimer thoroughly understood the issues involved in setting up a laboratory in a remote area and should be appointed as its director. Groves personally waived the security requirements and issued Oppenheimer a clearance on 20 July 1943.[55][56]
Collaboration with the United Kingdom
Main article: British contribution to the Manhattan Project
The British and Americans exchanged nuclear information but did not initially combine their efforts. Britain rebuffed attempts by Bush and Conant in 1941 to strengthen cooperation with its own project, codenamed Tube Alloys, because it was reluctant to share its technological lead and help the United States develop its own atomic bomb.[57] An American scientist who brought a personal letter from Roosevelt to Churchill offering to pay for all research and development in an Anglo-American project was poorly treated, and Churchill did not reply to the letter. The United States as a result decided as early as April 1942 that if its offer was rejected, they should proceed alone.[58] The British, who had made significant contributions early in the war, did not have the resources to carry through such a research program while fighting for their survival. As a result, Tube Alloys soon fell behind its American counterpart.[59] and on 30 July 1942, Sir John Anderson, the minister responsible for Tube Alloys, advised Churchill that: "We must face the fact that ... [our] pioneering work ... is a dwindling asset and that, unless we capitalise it quickly, we shall be outstripped. We now have a real contribution to make to a 'merger.' Soon we shall have little or none."[60] That month Churchill and Roosevelt made an informal, unwritten agreement for atomic collaboration.[61]
A large man in uniform and a bespectacled thin man in a suit and tie sit at a desk.
Groves confers with James Chadwick, the head of the British Mission.
The opportunity for an equal partnership no longer existed, however, as shown in August 1942 when the British unsuccessfully demanded substantial control over the project while paying none of the costs. By 1943 the roles of the two countries had reversed from late 1941;[58] in January Conant notified the British that they would no longer receive atomic information except in certain areas. While the British were shocked by the abrogation of the Churchill-Roosevelt agreement, head of the Canadian National Research Council C. J. Mackenzie was less surprised, writing "I can't help feeling that the United Kingdom group [over] emphasizes the importance of their contribution as compared with the Americans."[61] As Conant and Bush told the British, the order came "from the top".[62]
The British bargaining position had worsened; the American scientists had decided that the United States no longer needed outside help, and they wanted to prevent Britain exploiting post-war commercial applications of atomic energy. The committee supported, and Roosevelt agreed to, restricting the flow of information to what Britain could use during the war—especially not bomb design—even if doing so slowed down the American project. By early 1943 the British stopped sending research and scientists to America, and as a result the Americans stopped all information sharing. The British considered ending the supply of Canadian uranium and heavy water to force the Americans to again share, but Canada needed American supplies to produce them.[63] They investigated the possibility of an independent nuclear program, but determined that it could not be ready in time to affect the outcome of the war in Europe.[64]
By March 1943 Conant decided that British help would benefit some areas of the project. James Chadwick and one or two other British scientists were important enough that the bomb design team at Los Alamos needed them, despite the risk of revealing weapon design secrets.[65] In August 1943 Churchill and Roosevelt negotiated the Quebec Agreement, which resulted in a resumption of cooperation[66] between scientists working on the same problem. Britain, however, agreed to restrictions on data on the building of large-scale production plants necessary for the bomb.[67] The subsequent Hyde Park Agreement in September 1944 extended this cooperation to the postwar period.[68] The Quebec Agreement established the Combined Policy Committee to coordinate the efforts of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada. Stimson, Bush and Conant served as the American members of the Combined Policy Committee, Field Marshal Sir John Dill and Colonel J. J. Llewellin were the British members, and C. D. Howe was the Canadian member.[69] Llewellin returned to the United Kingdom at the end of 1943 and was replaced on the committee by Sir Ronald Ian Campbell, who in turn was replaced by the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Halifax, in early 1945. Sir John Dill died in Washington, D.C., in November 1944 and was replaced both as Chief of the British Joint Staff Mission and as a member of the Combined Policy Committee by Field Marshal Sir Henry Maitland Wilson.[70]
When cooperation resumed after the Quebec agreement, the Americans' progress and expenditures amazed the British. The United States had already spent more than $1 billion ($12 billion today), while in 1943, the United Kingdom had spent about £0.5 million. Chadwick thus pressed for British involvement in the Manhattan Project to the fullest extent and abandon any hopes of a British project during the war.[64] With Churchill's backing, he attempted to ensure that every request from Groves for assistance was honored.[71] The British Mission that arrived in the United States in December 1943 included Niels Bohr, Otto Frisch, Klaus Fuchs, Rudolf Peierls, and Ernest Titterton.[72] More scientists arrived in early 1944. While those assigned to gaseous diffusion left by the fall of 1944, the 35 working with Lawrence at Berkeley were assigned to existing laboratory groups and stayed until the end of the war. The 19 sent to Los Alamos also joined existing groups, primarily related to implosion and bomb assembly, but not the plutonium-related ones.[64] Part of the Quebec Agreement specified that nuclear weapons would not be used against another country without mutual consent. In June 1945, Wilson agreed that the use of nuclear weapons against Japan would be recorded as a decision of the Combined Policy Committee.[73]
The Combined Policy Committee created the Combined Development Trust in June 1944, with Groves as its chairman, to procure uranium and thorium ores on international markets. The Belgian Congo and Canada held much of the world's uranium outside Eastern Europe, and the Belgian government in exile was in London. Britain agreed to give the United States most of the Belgian ore, as it could not use most of the supply without restricted American research.[74] In 1944, the Trust purchased 3,440,000 pounds (1,560,000 kg) of uranium oxide ore from companies operating mines in the Belgian Congo. In order to avoid briefing US Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. on the project, a special account not subject to the usual auditing and controls was used to hold Trust monies. Between 1944 and the time he resigned from the Trust in 1947, Groves deposited a total of $37.5 million into the Trust's account.[75]
Groves appreciated the early British atomic research and the British scientists' contributions to the Manhattan Project, but stated that the United States would have succeeded without them.[64] He also said that Churchill was "the best friend the atomic bomb project had [as] he kept Roosevelt's interest up ... He just stirred him up all the time by telling him how important he thought the project was."[54]
The British wartime participation was crucial to the success of the United Kingdom's independent nuclear weapons program after the war when the McMahon Act of 1946 temporarily ended American nuclear cooperation.[64]
Project sites
Map of the United States and southern Canada with major project sites marked
A selection of US and Canadian sites important to the Manhattan Project. Click on the location for more information.
Oak Ridge
Main article: Clinton Engineer Works
Workers, mostly women, pour out of a cluster of buildings. A billboard exhorts them to "Make C.E.W. COUNT continue to protect project information!"
Shift change at the Y-12 uranium enrichment facility at the Clinton Engineer Works in Oak Ridge, Tennessee, on 11 August 1945. By May 1945, 82,000 people were employed at the Clinton Engineer Works.[76] Photograph by the Manhattan District photographer Ed Westcott.
The day after he took over the project, Groves took a train to Tennessee with Colonel Marshall to inspect the proposed site there, and Groves was impressed.[77][78] On 29 September 1942, United States Under Secretary of War Robert P. Patterson authorized the Corps of Engineers to acquire 56,000 acres (23,000 ha) of land by eminent domain at a cost of $3.5 million. An additional 3,000 acres (1,200 ha) was subsequently acquired. About 1,000 families were affected by the condemnation order, which came into effect on 7 October.[79] Protests, legal appeals, and a 1943 Congressional inquiry were to no avail.[80] By mid-November U.S. Marshals were tacking notices to vacate on farmhouse doors, and construction contractors were moving in.[81] Some families were given two weeks' notice to vacate farms that had been their homes for generations;[82] others had settled there after being evicted to make way for the Great Smoky Mountains National Park in the 1920s or the Norris Dam in the 1930s.[80] The ultimate cost of land acquisition in the area, which was not completed until March 1945, was only about $2.6 million, which worked out to around $47 an acre.[83] When presented with Public Proclamation Number Two, which declared Oak Ridge a total exclusion area that no one could enter without military permission, the Governor of Tennessee, Prentice Cooper, angrily tore it up.[84]

Initially known as the Kingston Demolition Range, the site was officially renamed the Clinton Engineer Works (CEW) in early 1943.[85] While Stone & Webster concentrated on the production facilities, the architectural and engineering firm Skidmore, Owings & Merrill designed and built a residential community for 13,000. The community was located on the slopes of Black Oak Ridge, from which the new town of Oak Ridge got its name.[86] The Army presence at Oak Ridge increased in August 1943 when Nichols replaced Marshall as head of the Manhattan Engineer District. One of his first tasks was to move the district headquarters to Oak Ridge although the name of the district did not change.[87] In September 1943 the administration of community facilities was outsourced to Turner Construction Company through a subsidiary, the Roane-Anderson Company (for Roane and Anderson Counties, in which Oak Ridge was located).[88] Chemical engineers, including William J. Wilcox Jr. and Warren Fuchs, were part of "frantic efforts" to make 10% to 12% enriched uranium 235, known as the code name "tuballoy tetroxide", with tight security and fast approvals for supplies and materials.[89] The population of Oak Ridge soon expanded well beyond the initial plans, and peaked at 75,000 in May 1945, by which time 82,000 people were employed at the Clinton Engineer Works,[76] and 10,000 by Roane-Anderson.[88]
Fine-arts photographer, Josephine Herrick, and her colleague, Mary Steers, helped document the work at Oak Ridge.[90]
Los Alamos
Main article: Project Y
Wikisource has original text related to this article: 
Los Alamos Ranch School Seizure Letter
The idea of locating Project Y at Oak Ridge was considered, but in the end it was decided that it should be in a remote location. On Oppenheimer's recommendation, the search for a suitable site was narrowed to the vicinity of Albuquerque, New Mexico, where Oppenheimer owned a ranch. In October 1942, Major John H. Dudley of the Manhattan Project was sent to survey the area, and he recommended a site near Jemez Springs, New Mexico.[91] On 16 November, Oppenheimer, Groves, Dudley and others toured the site. Oppenheimer feared that the high cliffs surrounding the site would make his people feel claustrophobic, while the engineers were concerned with the possibility of flooding. The party then moved on to the vicinity of the Los Alamos Ranch School. Oppenheimer was impressed and expressed a strong preference for the site, citing its natural beauty and views of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, which, it was hoped, would inspire those who would work on the project.[92][93] The engineers were concerned about the poor access road, and whether the water supply would be adequate, but otherwise felt that it was ideal.[94]
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